The Arid Years

For Saskatchewan the beginning of the 20th century was a time of optimism. The land was free and there was money to be made by anyone willing to work. Hundreds of thousands of settlers poured into the province and there seemed no bounds to the growth. Even the Palliser Triangle, the west’s most arid region, filled up with farmers. The elaborate celebrations in Regina on Sept. 4, 1905, inaugurating Saskatchewan as a province and attended by Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, reflected the confidence of the era.

However, people quickly were confronted by reality. The pioneer experience on the prairies was incredibly difficult. There were success stories, but also many failures. Later, after WW I, the prairie economy experienced a serious recession. Drought in southwestern Saskatchewan between 1919 and 1922 resulted in abandoned farms and population decline in that region and served as a warning of what lay ahead.

Nevertheless, there was good reason for continued optimism. There was a record harvest in 1928. Prices were not high but were satisfactory. Mechanization was beginning to make life on farms easier. Tractors were replacing horses, and automobiles were ending the isolation that pioneer families had faced. A report issued by the Bank of Canada in 1937 noted that between 1925 and 1928 the average person in Saskatchewan had one of the highest net cash incomes in the world. Saskatchewan farmers, who a generation earlier had spent their first year on their prairie homesteads in sod huts, could now look at their expanded farms and two-storey frame houses with pride and a sense of accomplishment. They confidently prepared to pass this on to their sons and daughters.

Then disaster struck. Even before the Wall Street crash in October 1929 wheat prices were dropping. The prairie crop that year was small, and the disastrous drought began. In the time ahead, Canadians came to view Saskatchewan, not as a land of opportunity, but the darkest spot in a tragic depression that swept the country.

The major reason for the collapse of the Saskatchewan economy was the international depression and its effect on world trade. The province was almost entirely dependent upon wheat. Wheat commodity prices declined drastically in 1930 and 1931. An international financial crisis developed, and trade patterns were disrupted. The price of wheat fell to 35 cents per bushel in 1932, a price one economist later noted “had no parallel in its world counterpart throughout the preceding 400 years.”

The average price for wheat between 1930 and 1939 was only 60 cents per bushel. No Canadian industry suffered as much as agriculture in the 1930s, and none recovered as slowly. In the process the Saskatchewan economy was ruined.

The West was not only affected by low prices but was doubly cursed. The plains region experienced what can best be described as an environmental or ecological disaster caused by climate and the cultivation practices of the preceding generations. In Saskatchewan, unlike much of the rest of Canada, the Depression always has meant two things: Economic collapse and drought.

Stories of the Dirty Thirties in Saskatchewan begin with the weather. Drought conditions developed on the Great Plains in northern Texas and Oklahoma and swept northward across the 49th parallel. The huge North American Dust Bowl resulted. “Okies,” as John Steinbeck described in The Grapes of Wrath, left the land and headed for California. Temperatures reached great extremes in 1936: 45 C in North Dakota, 42 C at Brandon, Man., and during the third week of July over 40 C every day throughout the Palliser Triangle, an irregularly shaped area located roughly between Cartwright, Man., Lloydminster, Sask., Calgary and Cardston, Alta.

In Saskatchewan the heat reached a peak in 1937. On July 5 it was 43 C in the towns of Midale and Yellow Grass, 42 C in Regina and Moose Jaw and in nine smaller towns in the southern part of the province. The heat was accompanied by below average rainfall. Old Wives Lake, south of Moose Jaw, went dry, and high winds coated the area with alkali dust. Fife Lake, which had covered a township near the Montana border, also dried up, revealing tons of buffalo bones.

The high temperatures and low rainfall over several years caused a devastating drought. The worst year was 1937 when wheat production in the province averaged 2.5 bushels per acre. The average for the entire decade was only 10 bushels. In some places gardens failed completely and even potatoes had to be brought in from other areas. In the central and northern parts of the province the drought was not nearly as severe, but low agricultural prices meant that economic conditions were only slightly better. The south, meanwhile, was a prairie desert. One observer described a part of the area at the time: “The land was lifeless as ashes, and for miles there is scarcely a growing thing to be seen…. There did not appear to be one single field that will produce a bushel of grain or a load of fodder.”

The strongest and most remembered image of the Depression in Saskatchewan is the dust storms. They began in 1931. Parched soil that had been loosened and pulverized by years of plowing was blown off the land by hot, dry winds. Clouds of dust, black blizzards, moved across the province. Soil drifts built up covering fences, filling ditches and forming banks against farm buildings. On one day in January 1931, a month when Saskatchewan is accustomed to blowing snow, it was impossible to see across the street in Moose Jaw at 1 p.m. because of blowing dust.

The Depression and drought had tragic social consequences, and it is impossible to understand the impact without an appreciation of the suffering that occurred. In some areas the circumstances were especially desperate. The Canadian Red Cross was involved in the distribution of relief and its files contain many examples of human tragedy. Pierre Berton, in his book The Great Depression, 1929-1939, recounts several. The Regina representative of the Red Cross toured the hardest hit areas in 1936. He came across a family of nine children all dressed in gunny sacks. Later he encountered a family of 11 crammed into a one-room shack. The children used newspapers as mattresses and sheets, and slept in the same gunny-sack clothing they wore during the day.

But the one thing there was no shortage of in southern Saskatchewan was gophers. There were reports of gophers being stewed, canned, pickled, smoked and fried. Tommy Douglas, first elected to the House of Commons in 1935, described having supper with a family near Weyburn in 1933: “We had a supper of gopher stew. We had bread made from some frozen wheat that had been crushed with a grinder, and we had coffee made from roasted barley.”

Thousands abandoned their farms and attempted to begin new lives elsewhere. Many moved to unsettled land far to the north. Their trek northward and their experiences in an isolated and strange environment resulted in some of the most serious cases of deprivation. Standards of living often were as low as in the worst parts of the wheat belt. Sandy Nicholson, later a Saskatchewan member of Parliament, was a United Church minister in 1935 in an area into which many from the south moved. He made the following entries in his diary while visiting some of the families:

Thursday, March 28. They apologized for their food. They had no fruit, butter or potatoes.

Friday, March 29. They had a cup of tea and bread without butter before we went to bed.

Saturday, March 30. …had hot cakes for breakfast with syrup made from water and sugar…had a drink made from roasted wheat which he called Bennett Coffee… had dinner, three fried eggs for four people and some potatoes, tea, bread and corn syrup.

Perhaps it is understandable that a Saskatchewan mother would comment, as one did in 1933, that “I can only say, emphatically, that I do not want my children to be farmers.”

All of this indelibly marked the province and its people. Gone forever were the days when it was said that wheat was king and Saskatchewan the province of the future. Such sentiments must have been a distant and likely bitter memory to a 50-year-old farmer as he loaded his family’s few belongings on a wagon and headed north.

And so the Depression was a dividing line. It separated an earlier period of expansion and growth from a time of regional disparity when the West would not lead Canada into the future but look to other areas of the country for support. Never again would anyone believe that a prairie farm offered certain prosperity.

The psychological impact of the Depression is more difficult to assess. How many lives were ruined by the hardships of the 1930s? How were parents affected who were unable to provide adequately for their families, particularly when they had expected to be able to? Or what about the teenagers who were told that their high school education would be delayed only to learn that it would be cancelled forever? That was the reality of the situation in Saskatchewan during the ‘30s. Sometimes, though, it is pointed out that Saskatchewan people laughed at the conditions they faced back then. But what should be remembered is what Tommy Douglas, a great practitioner of Depression black humor, said about this: “They learned to laugh about some of their problems. There are times, you know, when there are feelings that lie too deep for tears, so they had to laugh to keep from crying.”

This, however, is not the end of the story. In some ways it is just the beginning. Faith in the future survived even during the worst of times. Where hope nearly was extinguished, it was revived. Saskatchewan recovered from the disaster. And through it all people showed an almost incomprehensible determination and spirit.

In 1934 two journalists toured the drought area. The articles they wrote were graphic accounts of desperate conditions. But they also reported that farmers maintained that there was nothing wrong with the land and said that “if we get enough rain next year we can grow 40 bushels per acre.” After visiting the worst drought district, they wrote: “The people living here, who ought to know, say that the land is still all right. It will grow crops if nature will only provide rain. They still believe a ‘comeback’ can be made if it will rain next year.”

Such stubborn confidence recalls the characters in the novels of Shellbrook, Sask., native Sinclair Ross, one of the few writers who realistically portrayed life on the prairies during the Depression. When faced with the extremes of summer droughts or winter blizzards, the people showed pride and determination and refused to accept defeat. The central character in one of Ross’s short stories refused to be forced off his land by the drought. In reply to his wife’s pleas to move away, he said: “You’ll see it come back. There’s good wheat in it yet…. We’ll have crops again…. Good crops–the land will come back…. The dry years won’t last forever.”

Margaret Laurence, the famous Canadian novelist, commented on this faith in the land in Ross’s writing: “Indeed the land sometimes assumes a character as harsh as that of the vengeful God who sorely tried Job and the farmers who stay on, year after year, seeing their crops spoiled and themselves becoming old in youth, yet still maintaining their obsessive faith in the land, are reminiscent of Job himself. ‘Though He slay me, yet will I trust in Him.’”

Perhaps it is true that such faith was blind and obsessive and such optimism no more than wishful dreams in face of futility. However, without it the wheat economy would not have survived, and there would have been no recovery.

It is ironic that eventually the 1930s came to be considered the beginning of a great success story for Saskatchewan. Ordinary men and women, against incredible odds, were not conquered by the environment and won the fight against the desert. Solutions were found to the problems that had destroyed the wheat country. New farming methods, improved types of farm machinery, drought resistant grasses, dams, dugouts, irrigation–all were a part of a massive rehabilitation program. Farmers came by the hundreds to meetings to discuss with crop scientists and agricultural engineers how their land could be saved and restored. If one image of the Depression is a dust storm, an equally important one is a gathering of farmers at a discer demonstration. The first is a picture of despair, while the second is one of hope and optimism. On one occasion research officers from an agricultural experimental station met with farmers in a crowded one-room school north of Swift Current. Before the meeting began, a farmer rose and spoke: “We aren’t here today for social talk and we didn’t come here just to visit with you. We’re here to learn how to control soil drifting. We’ve got a problem, and we want you to tell us how to fix it. If you can’t do that, tell us right now and we’ll go home. But if you’ve got any answers for us, if you can tell us anything that will help, we will stay with you till the cows come home.”

Those weren’t the words of a defeated man.

The Depression and drought had long-term economic, social and political effects, and great changes came to the province. However, the Saskatchewan of 1905 was not totally destroyed. The fundamental faith in wheat and the land remained. That faith was confirmed when the rains returned, and record amounts of wheat were produced in the period following WW II. Few, if any, came to the conclusion that it had been a mistake to settle the West and that the plains should be allowed to revert to the weed-covered waste land and short grass range that they had once been.

Today some environmentalists question the wisdom of people having come to the great semi-arid expanse of the West to “bust and break” the land with plows and replace the sturdy grasses with a crop not naturally suited to the region. They point to the dust storms of the ‘30s and argue that modern scientific agriculture has only postponed the inevitable and eventually will cause another ecological disaster, perhaps slightly different in form. The generation that survived the drought in Saskatchewan would disagree. And, to this point at least, so would their children and grandchildren who continue to grow wheat on the plains. The faith in the land remains.

The New National Dream

Pierre Camu, 73, of Ottawa, had no problem deciding what to buy his two youngest grandchildren last Christmas. The gifts were personal and affordable; for each he donated $36 towards building a new national dream known as the Trans Canada Trail. In return, both grandchildren will have their names permanently inscribed in a pavilion located somewhere along the trail because each $36 donation builds one metre of trail.

Earlier, Camu donated a total of $252 for his other seven grandchildren. And so together, Camu’s nine grandchildren, who live in Alberta, Ontario and Quebec, will have their names attached to nine metres of a 15,000-kilometre trail that will wind its way through every province and territory in Canada.

By the time the Trans Canada Trail is officially opened on July 1, 2000, many thousands of people will have their names associated with the project. Camu, one of its pioneers, expects that in three years the trail will be the longest of its kind in the world, stretching from the Beaufort Sea to the U.S. border and from Vancouver Island to the east coast of Newfoundland.

The project, which is being managed by a non-profit organization called the Trans Canada Trail Foundation, is seen by many as one of the most ambitious endeavors in modern Canadian history. The foundation has raised more than $2 million since its public launch in 1994, and today has close to 60,000 donors and supporters across the country.

Camu says the trail will accommodate five core activities, namely hiking, cycling, horseback riding, cross-country skiing and snowmobiling where possible. Estimates are that the trail will take 750 days to hike, 500 days to ride on horseback and 300 days to cycle. This spring organizers hope to establish an important link when they declare open the Trans Canada Trail’s first interprovincial gateway at St-Jacques, N.B. A huge sign on the gate will welcome trail users into each province.

As of January, approximately 800 kilometres of trail were in place, including Galloping Goose Trail in Victoria; the trail from Kildonan Park in Winnipeg to The Forks–the junction of the Red and Assiniboine rivers; Caledon Trailway in Caledon, Ont.; the Guysborough Trail in Guysborough, N.S.; Confederation Trail on Prince Edward Island and the Newfoundland Trailway.

When the first Trans Canada Trail pavilion opened last year in Caledon East, northwest of Toronto, donors could search out their names among the 4,000 etched into acrylic panels. Opening ceremonies included an outdoor breakfast, hay wagon rides and a visit from a pilot who called himself the Red Baron. Using a WW I replica of Baron Manfred von Richthofen’s aircraft, the pilot performed a low fly-past before he was chased off by two antique Royal Flying Corps machines.

Enthusiasts compare the Trans Canada Trail with the Canadian Pacific Railway or Trans-Canada Highway. It took a national dream to get the trail started and Camu, along with 1988 Calgary Winter Olympics organizer Bill Pratt, is credited with having played a significant role.

Camu, who has served as president of the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission and Canadian Geographic, is convinced rural serenity, wilderness and nature’s chorus will contrast with urban bustle and noise. In 1992, Camu was a consultant for the Canada 125 Corporation, a national organization formed to celebrate Canada’s 125th year in Confederation. While he was in charge of programs, Pratt was administrator. “At the end it seemed to us everything was fading away. But one idea gained grassroots support.”

Camu and Pratt received $500,000 from the federal government to get the project started. The idea to focus on five main outdoor uses for the trail was adopted, and Pratt–the project’s first executive director–used his experience as a Calgary businessman to push its appeal. Organizers say the trail will mean different things to different people, but they say it will–among other things–help preserve and protect the environment, promote physical fitness, provide safe areas for recreational activity and educate people by bringing them closer to nature.

Executive director John Bellini says: “Canadians want it and Canada needs it.” Bellini’s office space in Montreal was donated by Canada Trust, and corporate sponsors include Canada Trust, Chrysler Canada, sports television networks TSN and its French language counterpart RDS, Canadian Airlines International and Maclean’s and Canadian Geographic magazines.

The idea of many Canadians working together to fulfil a common vision–one they feel will result in a physical symbol of Canadian unity–appeals to supporters.

In Gander, Nfld., Terry Morrison, the executive director of the Newfoundland Trailway Council, says work is well under way on several sections of the former Canadian National railbed in the province. He says the railway closed down in 1988 and since then the Trailway Council has been developing a multi-purpose trail. When he was interviewed last January, Morrison was hopeful that a significant portion of the trail would be completed in time for this year’s 500th anniversary of John Cabot’s voyage of discovery. He says the trail will eventually cover 900 kilometres between St. John’s in the east and Port aux Basques in the west. He believes it will benefit the province in a number of ways and looks forward to it becoming an important part of the Trans Canada Trail. “It’s a unique opportunity for us to preserve and protect a valuable part of our heritage, while at the same time encouraging a healthier lifestyle in terms of the recreational choices available to people. There is also tremendous potential for new business opportunities, particularly once it’s tied into the national network.”

In Halifax, Nova Scotia representative Jack Carruthers was pleased to hear that Minister of Sport and Recreation Jay Abbass bought a metre of trail and then challenged other members of the Legislative Assembly to buy in as well. Carruthers says more than half the trail in Nova Scotia is complete. It begins at North Sydney, passes Baddeck and deserted historic settlements of Cape Breton Island’s Scottish crofters, crosses Canso Causeway and follows abandoned railways through Nova Scotia to New Brunswick.

Carruthers says a good trail boosts business and makes users bright and bushy. On the other hand in Guysborough it drew attention to unemployment when approximately 70 people applied for a six-month contract position to co-ordinate the building of the trail through there.

Prince Edward Island’s Confederation Trail will be lengthened from 225 to 350 kilometres. The route is an abandoned Canadian National Railways line between Elmira and Tignish owned by the province. Between Kensington and Charlottetown the trail will divert to Borden so travellers can connect with the new bridge to the mainland. However, there is no bicycle path on the long bridge road that crosses the Northumberland Strait to Cape Tormentine, N.B. “That was an unfortunate arrangement when the bridge was built. We hope vans will take cyclists and bicycles across,” says trail representative Robert Boyer.

In New Brunswick, segments from Cape Tormentine to Shediac, then inland to Moncton, down to Saint John and north to Fredericton will be linked to Grand Falls, Edmundston and St-Jacques. Safety is a vital consideration and the New Brunswick Trails Council suggests a volunteer trail safety patrol it developed with the RCMP may serve as a model for other areas of the country.

“The most important thing,” says Richard Senecal, secretary of Conseil québécois du sentier transcanadien, “is for trail officials to work with people in the regions who will decide the route.” Le Petit Temis trail stretches for approximately 130 kilometres from Rivière-du-Loup on the St. Lawrence River to Dégilis in eastern Quebec. Trails leading to Quebec City and Montreal may be established on both sides of the St. Lawrence because, says Senecal, the “more developed south side is better for cycling and the wilder north better for hiking.”

Further west the Trans Canada Trail passes through the well-established trails in Gatineau Park, north of Hull. Senecal says middle regions of the province will be linked east and west to complete the long trail through the province. He concludes: “In Quebec there are different understandings when you mention Trans Canada Trail. We don’t intend to state some political message on Canadian unity. We believe Quebecers are satisfied with the concept and want to contribute.”

An Ontario trail should make its outdoors accessible as never before. Trail representative Bill Bowick of Nepean says acquiring abandoned railway corridors is a challenge when it comes to linking trails in the south. Problems further north are different. “For instance fire safety is a greater issue in the north,” he says. “And though snowmobilers cross lakes hikers go around them.”

He says outdoor groups in North Bay and Sudbury and a rails-to-trails coalition in the southeast are examples of the grassroots commitment the Trans Canada Trail needs. These volunteers work alongside regional planners, tourism officials and trail builders. It’s believed that this kind of consultation should provide not only a trail but access to stores, toilets, bed and breakfast and other services. A well-used trail is expected to encourage bicycle repair and food shops, camping and tourism.

Bowick, an engineer, took a week off work to meet trail associates in Ontario. He covered the 1,500 kilometres between Ottawa and Thunder Bay before having to return home.

Naturalists, equestrians, cyclists, scouts, girl guides and members of trail associations make up volunteers within the Manitoba Recreational Trail Association. “We are building local trails at local levels,” stresses Fred Whitehouse of Winnipeg. He says the South Whiteshell Trail Association is constructing a multi-purpose trail in the provincial park area. He points out that Oregon Trail users have to book a year in advance. “I think the trail is an idea whose time has come–it should become part of Canada’s tourism infrastructure.”

Norm Van Tassel, president of the Manitoba branch of the Korea War Veterans Association of Canada, expects the association will raise a Korean war memorial on the trail. He noted 34 of the 516 Canadians killed in the Korean War were from Manitoba. They served mainly in the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry and the Royal Canadian Regiment. Van Tassel expects the memorial to be unveiled when the association convenes in Winnipeg in September 1998. A member of St. James Branch in Winnipeg, he adds: “Here is an opportunity for Legion branches near the trail to buy space for suitable reminders to young people of what veterans achieved.”

In Saskatchewan, a provincial parks and recreation association has formed a trail council. “Our council recognized the role communities have to play in getting the project off the ground,” says trail representative Garry Michael in Regina.

Saskatchewan routes may take in Duck Mountain, Douglas and Cypress Hills provincial parks as well as Regina. In Meota, north of Battleford, a story on the trail in the newspaper sparked interest. “After that article my phone started ringing off the hook,” recalls local chairman Bob Collier. “History groups, recreation associations, bed and breakfast owners and local businesses joined in.”

The trail will arrive in Alberta through the Cypress Hills before heading for Medicine Hat, Dinosaur Provincial Park, Drumheller and Calgary. In the foothills of the Rockies it will split west and north. Trail representative Betty Anne Graves hopes the trail will be used appropriately. “That’s to say, everything from horses to snowmobiles won’t be manageable near cities and mountains alike. It’s really recreational, not a wilderness trail.”

The northern route will take travellers past Red Deer and Edmonton and through Fort McMurray on the Athabasca River, Fort Chipewyan on Lake Athabasca and Fort Smith on the 60th parallel. Adventurous travellers can then take the Yukon Territory route to the Arctic or rest in the Northwest Territories capital of Yellowknife.

Don Jekue, publisher of the Slave River Journal in Fort Smith, believes northern people are keen to get their parts of the trail completed over historic water and overland paths. Northbound travellers will go by the Canol Road pipeline route to Norman Wells. This WW II attempt to take oil to Alaska for the war effort leaves a legacy for hikers.

Yukon trail representative Ross McLachlan says communities and land administrators will determine a route along Dawson Trail, Chilkoo Trail and First Nations trading ways. He says Whitehorse, Dawson City and Watson Lake are committed to the project. The trail will re-enter the Northwest Territories along the Dempster Highway from Dawson City. It will reach Inuvik and end at Tuktoyaktuk on the Beaufort Sea.

In Yellowknife, Northwest Territories trail representative Jim Connor believes the northern route can offer hiking, canoeing, dog sledding, snowmobiling and skiing. “But it’s challenging up here,” warns the Yellowknife airport desk ticket officer. “I don’t know if we’ll succeed in having it all ready for 2000, but we’ll try.”

British Columbia trail representative Bill Archibald of Maple Ridge says things came together when the trail foundation adopted the Kettle Valley railway grade from Grand Forks in the West Kootenays to Brookmere, near Hope. The provincial government had taken years to acquire all of the abandoned railway grade and organizers say it will form the backbone of the Trans Canada Trail in the province. The trail will run from Calgary across the Kootenay River to rustic Invermere, sweeping across southern British Columbia town by town westward to Vancouver and by ferry to Vancouver Island.

Archibald says British Columbia trail donors contributed $30,000 of the $460,000 needed to reconstruct the historic Selkirk Trestle in Victoria. The trestle once carried rail traffic from upper Vancouver Island into downtown Victoria. Today it gives hikers a breathtaking view and opens to a 70-kilometre trail to Nanaimo. Trails BC president John Appleby states: “This (trestle) project is probably the best use of donor funds because we participated with three levels of government and a corporate donor.”

A Vancouver Island trail group wants to locate the trail’s western terminus pavilion near Juan de Fuca Strait. On the other hand Archibald awaits the day people can look inland from the Pacific and say: “If I keep walking on that trail I could go right across Canada, one foot in front of the other, to Newfoundland.”

Financial contributions to the Trans Canada Trail are tax deductible. For more information, contact:

Trans Canada Trail Foundation, 6104 Sherbrooke Street West, Montreal, QC H4A 1Y3, Tel: 1-800-465-3636, Fax: 1-514-485-4541

Campbell Tinning


Campbell Tinning’s watercolor work includes from top to bottom: In The Vault Of The Cemetery; an illustrated letter to his mother and father; Drifting Down.

Although Canadian war artist Campbell Tinning witnessed the horrors of WW II, he managed to maintain a quiet sense of objectivity in how he viewed it. In a 1979 interview with Joan Murray, the director of the Robert McLaughlin Gallery in Oshawa, Ont., Tinning said war was “just happening to you. We couldn’t know what was going on all the time.”

While in Italy he climbed up onto a burned out tank and looked down the hatch. Inside, were two badly burned bodies, but years later he described the grisly scene with candidness. “I hadn’t been killed, it was war,” he told Murray. “But I have never forgotten those two men, even though my driver and I buzzed off in the jeep on that lovely Italian September day.”

Eight months later Tinning was in the Netherlands when he spotted thousands of German prisoners walking over a dike across the Zuider Zee. It was just after VE-Day. “They walked all the way along with wagons and pots and pans, in rags,” he told Murray, noting there were Canadian sentries posted along the way, “almost like a prison camp with sentries on the towers.”

Born at Saskatoon in 1910, Tinning studied in Winnipeg and Regina before heading to the Eliot O’Hara Water Color School in Maine and on to the Art Students’ League in New York. He moved to Montreal in 1939 and enlisted with the Canadian Army in 1942. The following year he was ordered to Ottawa and served as an official war artist from April 1943 to October 1946.

Tinning’s first overseas posting was at the Canadian Army parachute training school at Bulford, Wiltshire, near Salisbury. After attending the Canadian Army officers training school in June 1944, he was sent to Italy, disembarking at Naples after the Allies liberated Rome. He stayed with the Three Rivers Regt. near Florence and that same year went to Tomba di Pesaro where the Canadians broke through the infamous Gothic Line. In February 1945, Tinning travelled on through France and Belgium and was in the Netherlands to witness that country’s liberation and the end of war in Europe.

On April 24, 1943, the Montreal Gazette described Tinning as an artist who “handles watercolor with breadth and confidence….” One of his shows in Montreal was devoted to depicting Royal Canadian Air Force activities at various stations and training centres. “This (work) revealed a distinct flair for depicting this branch of the Dominion’s war effort, the works displaying qualities which suggest that his training and ability will ensure a thorough, workmanlike job in whatever sphere he may be assigned to serve.”

Tinning’s sphere included the illustration of letters home to relatives and friends. For example, a May 10, 1944, letter to his mother and father included a poem and a watercolor painting of a bomb shelter in a subway tunnel. Another letter contains a watercolor that depicts a tank and an emergency vehicle on an Italian street among bombed out buildings.

A lot of the people in Tinning’s paintings seem resigned to accept the hell they are experiencing or have just experienced. In Spring in Arnhem, Holland, 1945, a lone figure stands amidst the rubble with his hands in his pockets and head bowed. He does not seem overjoyed that a new era awaits, just resigned to the fact war happens and good people get killed.

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Many of the Canadian War Museum’s ­holdings are ­available in reproduction at affordable prices. For more information, contact Image Reproduction Services, Canadian War Museum, 1 Vimy Place, Ottawa, ON K1R 0C2; tel: 1-819-776-8686; fax: 1-819-776-8623; e-mail: Imageservices@warmuseum.ca


Kenneth Forbes


Kenneth Forbes was able to depict the reality of WW I. His work includes from top to bottom: Portrait of Cpl. William Metcalf, VC. Metcalf earned the award on Sept. 2, 1918, during the Second Battle of Arras; Canadian Artillery in Action.

You only have to glance at the work of Kenneth Forbes to see his love of traditional oil painting. He has a lush and sensual style that is stirring and powerful when contrasted with the horror of WW I battlegrounds.

Born in Toronto on July 4, 1892, Forbes attended Westmount Academy in Montreal before moving on to art schools in England and Scotland. At the Newlyn Art School in Cornwall he studied under Stanhope Forbes and won a four-year scholarship to the Hospital Field Art School at Arbroath, Scotland. He stayed in Scotland for one year before attending the Slade Art School in London, and later the London New Art School where he won a scholarship to the Chase School. He was also a champion boxer and continued with the sport while serving in WW I.

It is clear from the passion of his two battle scenes that the reality of war was experienced, not simply depicted. In 1914, he became a private in the Stock Exchange Battalion of the British Army’s Royal Fusiliers. In France, while serving with the machine-gun corps, he was wounded twice, mentioned in dispatches twice, and then invalided to England in 1916. He was promoted to lieutenant and later became second in command of the 32nd Machine Gun Corps. He was eventually recalled to London and transferred to the Canadian forces as a war artist attached to the Canadian war memorials section. Today the Canadian War Museum has six of his paintings.

Forbes later became famous in civilian life for his portraiture. His subjects included John Diefenbaker and Sir Harry Oakes. Forbes died in 1980.

Email the writer at: writer@legionmagazine.com

Email a letter to the editor at: letters@legionmagazine.com

Many of the Canadian War Museum’s ­holdings are ­available in reproduction at affordable prices. For more information, contact Image Reproduction Services, Canadian War Museum, 1 Vimy Place, Ottawa, ON K1R 0C2; tel: 1-819-776-8686; fax: 1-819-776-8623; e-mail: Imageservices@warmuseum.ca




The Invasion Of Sicily: Army, Part 15

One of the most enduring myths about Canadian military history is that historians and the general public have concentrated their attention on the campaign in Northwest Europe ignoring the “D-Day Dodgers” and the battles in the Mediterranean. This view persists despite the popularity of Farley Mowat’s books, the high quality of the official history of the campaign and the excellence of the popular history The D-Day Dodgers: The Canadians in Italy 1943-45 by Daniel G. Dancocks. The Canadian role in Italy is also the subject of some of our best memoirs including Sydney Frost’s Once a Patricia and Strome Galloway’s books and articles. Now for 1996 we have the superbly designed and illustrated Canadians and the Italian Campaign 1943-45 by Bill McAndrew.This new title is the latest in a series sponsored by the Directorate of History and Heritage of the Department of National Defence. Once again no expense has been spared in producing the volume, but do not let the coffee-table format confuse you. McAndrew has written an original and insightful account which will please veterans, the general reader and professional historians. Throughout the book McAndrew uses personal accounts to illuminate and humanize the analysis of a complex story. His special interest in questions of morale, combat effectiveness and battle exhaustion is evident throughout and there is much to be learned about Canada’s war that goes well beyond the specifics of the Italian campaign. In the next several articles I will be exploring aspects of the war in Italy and the development of the Canadian forces in 1943. My debt to McAndrew and other specialists will be evident to all.

The decision to attack the island of Sicily was made at the Casablanca Conference in January 1943. General George C. Marshall, the U.S. Army chief of staff, and most of his countrymen, opposed the plan but were unable to offer a viable alternative. When Marshall was forced to accept the first phase of Winston Churchill’s strategy of “closing the ring”, he had warned President Franklin Roosevelt that the landings in North Africa in November 1942 would postpone the invasion of France until 1944, drawing the Americans into Britain’s Mediterranean obsession. At Casablanca he accepted the logic of employing the Anglo-American armies against Sicily, a million men could not be kept out of action for a year, but Marshall still regarded the Mediterranean as a diversion which prolonged the war.

Historians are naturally attracted to issues involving large personalities and great debates so there are numerous studies of the Allied leaders and their interaction but surprisingly little attention has been paid to purely military considerations. By the summer of 1942, when the key decisions about the future were made, Churchill and his chiefs of staff had lost confidence in the leadership, training and morale of the British Army. The long series of defeats from Dunkirk to North Africa and the Far East seemed to raise fundamental questions about the fighting qualities of the British and Commonwealth soldier. The victory at El Alamein in the Egyptian desert had soothed some of the anxiety but British operations in Tunisia moved slowly. When the Americans suffered a tactical defeat in Tunisia at Qasserine Pass, the British concluded that the American forces were badly trained and poorly led. Could such men overcome the experienced and superbly equipped divisions of the German army on the fields of Northwest Europe? The answer for most senior British commanders was a resounding no. Far better to continue operations against Italy until Bomber Command and the Soviet armies had weakened Germany. By 1944 the Allies would have much more battle experience and knowledge of waging war on several fronts within a coalition. The Soviet victory at Stalingrad seemed to promise that there would be time enough to learn.

The story of the transformation of the Commonwealth armies is usually seen as beginning in the desert under the leadership of General Bernard Montgomery. It is in fact far more complicated than that for much of the change took place in the United Kingdom at the Ministry of Supply. The quality of weapons and weapon systems may not determine the outcome of battles but if one side is consistently inferior the odds of defeat are very great.

When the politicians in Ottawa decided to press the British to include Canadian units in the next major operation in the Mediterranean they knew little of the actual state of their troops in Britain. The Canadians, like their British counterparts in England, had spent most of the war preparing to defend the island from invasion. This had begun to change in the summer of 1942 but as the historian John A. English has shown the army was far from ready for operations against a well trained enemy.

There is nothing sinister in the failure of the British and Canadian high command to train and equip a modern army, it was a matter of priorities. Before 1943 virtually everyone agreed with Churchill’s view that “only the navy can lose the war and only the air force can win it.” The army was for home defence and sideshows like North Africa. By the end of 1942 such a view was no longer sensible and was abandoned.

Consider for example the changes made in the equipment of the Canadians after they were selected for action in Sicily. Our armored units, the Calgary Tanks, the Three Rivers Regiment and the Ontario Tanks were equipped with the reliable, and by 1943 terms, powerful Sherman tank. The infantry battalions were introduced to the new Projector, Infantry, Anti-Tank, or PIAT, the British bazooka. The PIAT had a dangerously limited range and could not be relied upon to fire accurately but it did provide the foot soldier with a useful anti-tank weapon which an infantry section could take into battle.

Assignment to Sicily also meant that the battalion anti-tank platoons finally got their hands on the six-pounder anti-tank gun which was still a scarce commodity two years after its introduction. The gunners of the divisional anti-tank regiment were equally pleased with the 17-pounder self-propelled gun which was quite accurately described as equal to the famous German 88-mm. The Saskatoon Light Infantry, the division’s support battalion, was introduced to the 3-inch mortar, the infantry battalions‘ vital defensive weapon. By 1943 smokeless powder and improved range made the weapon a match for the German 81-mm mortar.

Other innovations helped to build confidence and improve effectiveness. The question now was whether the Canadians could find the leadership and commitment to succeed in battle. Lieutenant-General Andrew McNaughton, the commander of the 1st Canadian Army, first chose Harry Salmon, a decorated WW I veteran with a reputation as one of the best trainers of soldiers in any army, as divisional commander. After Salmon’s death in a plane crash, McNaughton jumped a generation selecting Guy Simonds to replace him.

Simonds was to become the best known Canadian general since Arthur Currie, but in 1943 the 40-year-old Simonds was an unknown quantity. To command a division without ever having fought in a battle is unusual at any time but to begin a career with an assault landing is extraordinary. Simonds was nevertheless the obvious choice because he was simply the outstanding professional soldier in the army. He had excelled in all previous appointments and was well regarded by the British who were prone to be suspicious of Canadian officers.

Simonds inherited a divisional staff and five brigadiers who were a good cross section of Canada’s officer corps. Major-General Chris Vokes who led the 2nd Brigade, and who followed Simonds in command of the division, is the best known, but the group included Bruce Matthews, an outstanding artillery officer and future divisional commander, as well as many others who proved to be capable leaders. With their militia backgrounds Matthews and Brigadier Howard Graham were the exceptions among 1st Division’s mostly permanent force senior officers.

The Canadians had just over two months to prepare for the invasion of Sicily and they used their time well. The most serious setback in the first phase came when three merchant ships in the Slow Assault Convoy were sunk with losses of 58 men, 500 tanks and 40 guns. Divisional headquarters and the field regiments were severely hampered by equipment losses and a good deal of improvisation was needed. The landings themselves were accomplished with few casualties and the division’s first inland objective, the airfield at Pachino, was secured when the Royal Canadian Regt. overwhelmed the defenders of an artillery battery.

Contemporary historians are critical of nearly every aspect of Operation Husky. Carlo D’Este, the leading American student of the campaign, titled his book Bitter Victory, emphasizing the escape of German forces to the mainland as well as the caution and confusion of Allied leadership. D’Este believes that the attritional battles fought by the 8th Army in Sicily were both poorly managed and unnecessary. Normally this kind of history is annoying but D’Este cares deeply about the plight of the ordinary soldier caught up in the horror of war and imposes harsh standards on all decision makers.

The Canadian experience in Sicily produced a very different collective memory. Sicily was the army’s first campaign and most thought it was a great success. When Montgomery ordered the Canadians to push hard in a left hook to outflank the German defences at Catania the division moved quickly to fulfil its tasks. The story of the next 30 days cannot be repeated too often. The extraordinary achievement of the Hastings and Prince Edward Regt., the Hasty Ps, in climbing a mountainside at Assoro was first told by the unit historian Farley Mowat who wrote:

Each man who made that climb performed his own private miracle. From ledge to ledge the dark figures made their way, hauling each other up, passing along their weapons and ammunition from hand to hand. A signaller made that climb with a heavy wireless set strapped to his back–a thing that in daylight was seen to be impossible. Yet no man slipped, no man dropped so much as a clip of ammunition. It was just as well, for any sound by one would have been fateful to all.

Bill McAndrew, normally a stern critic of the British-Canadian way of war, sees Assoro as just one of the extraordinary Canadian achievements in Sicily. The battle for Leonforte fought by the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry and the Loyal Edmonton Regt., was less spectacular. However, the “speed and audacity” of the battle-group commanded by Captain Rowan Coleman which raced to the relief of the Loyal Eddies was a promising example of a combined arms operation which the division would have to master if it was to succeed in battle.

The next major battle, to seize the village of Agira, involved a more methodical and less successful set-piece attack employing five field and two medium artillery regiments. McAndrew suggests that this conventional artillery-based plan was a poor substitute for the mobile fire and movement operations which proceeded it but German resistance was stiffening all across the front as the enemy began to evacuate non-combatant troops to the mainland.

The fall of Agira came just as the Italian Dictator Benito Mussolini was deposed. His successor, Marshal Pietro Badoglio, maintained that Italy would continue to fight but few, and least of all Hitler, believed him. The invasion of Sicily had accomplished one of its major purposes.

For the next two weeks the Canadians were committed to the thankless task of attacking a German army which was conducting a well-organized withdrawal. Each piece of high ground, from low hills to mountain peaks was occupied and held by the enemy until pressure, or their timetable, forced a withdrawal. Since the senior Allied commanders were doing little to prevent the evacuation across the straits of Messina, the strategic purpose of costly assaults on prepared positions is not clear.

Where were the vaunted Allied air forces and the powerful Royal Navy while the Germans ferried men and vehicles across the narrow waters to the toe of Italy? The Royal Air Force, with the Royal Canadian Air Force’s No. 331 (Medium Bomber) Wing under command, flew just 591 sorties over the straits during the evacuation. Such bombing, from high altitudes at night, against precision targets, produced predictably minor results. If the full weight of the North African Strategic Air Force had been diverted from the Romanian oil fields more might have been accomplished but no one had the authority to require this. The tactical air force did attempt to interfere but the heavy concentration of anti-aircraft guns and the lack of urgency at the highest levels of command meant that operations were on a modest scale. The same lack of direction and fear of shore-based gun positions kept the navy well clear of the crossing points.

The Canadians who went into reserve on Aug. 6 were not concerned with these large questions. They had suffered 500 fatalities since landing on the island and 1,300 men had been wounded. There were ample reinforcements so the rifle companies and tank squadrons could be rebuilt but the memory of young lives lost in the Sicilian sun was sharp and poignant. It took both real courage and a strong sense of duty for men released from the threat of death in battle to begin preparation for the next phase, the invasion of the Italian mainland.

The Sicilian campaign made a significant contribution to the Allied war effort. The landings in Sicily were an important factor in Hitler’s decision to end offensive operations in Russia. The reinforcements the Germans sent to Italy, especially the Luftwaffe squadrons, demonstrated Hitler’s sensitivity to developments on his southern front. If the Allies maintained pressure Hitler would have no choice except to transfer German divisions from France and Russia to Italy and the Balkans. If Husky was an operational failure it was a strategic victory of great value.